Right Now: Oil Companies on the Record
I previewed this yesterday -- today the House Select Committee for Energy Independence and Global Warming "will bring top-level executives from the five largest oil companies to discuss the current state of oil and gas prices, oil company profits, and the need for clean, renewable fuels to ease demand for oil and cut global warming pollution."
It's being described by the Hill as "another indication of the industry’s waning clout on Capitol Hil."
You can watch the hearing live from a link on this page, or on CSPAN-3.
Bush and the oil companies are trying to defeat an energy bill that already passed in the House.
Comments (5) «
It's just like the top 2%. They just have no incentive to invest their money unless we give them a permanent tax cut?
It figures that that the war-criminal in chief would stoop so low to defeat an energy bill to invest in alternative energy. Bush and his thugs honestly don't care about the average person in this country.
I love the interrogations by Congress on oil profits. The executives explained that they have no control over the oil price. What a great lie!
Ten years ago, I worked with a Saudi Arabian and he told me that US companies heavily invested in the oil fields of the Middle East. They are the ones that call the shots to the oil prices and the little puppets cant really do anything.
Yes, the big WHITE men of the West do control the oil fields.
The truth will set us free. If not, America will drown in corruption.
America is going to drown in corruption if the 70% MAJORITY COMMON POPULATION do not come together against the right-wing's onslaught that is being helped by Democrat DLCers like Republican-Lite Hillary Clinton who has no intention of doing away with N.A.F.T.A. or high oil prices:
Dems Flunking Trade 101
by John Nichols
Barack Obama may have introduced America to the audacity of hope. But in the Democratic primary debate on the pivotal issue of trade policy, it is the audacity of Hillary Clinton that is remarkable. Obama has been troublingly tentative when it comes to articulating the smart progressive response to the challenges of globalization that the voters in the nation’s industrial heartland await. Clinton has shown no such caution. As she did before Ohio’s March 4 primary, where blue-collar votes renewed her candidacy, the New York senator is campaigning in the next big-primary states as a fierce critic of failed trade deals. Incredibly, for a woman who has been caught inflating her populist credentials more than once this year, Clinton is moving way beyond the vague rhetoric about renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement that became a centerpiece of her Ohio campaigning. Borrowing pages from Ralph Nader, she’s telling Pennsylvania and Indiana voters that America’s national security is threatened by trade and investment policies that make the stability of the US economy “dependent upon decisions made in other countries’ capitals.” Clinton warns that the US trade deficit with China–which rose last year to a record $252 billion–has given Beijing too much financial leverage over us. And she’s linking her “slow erosion of our own economic sovereignty” theme with a claim that she has opposed the free-trade regime since 1992–implicitly suggesting that workers who have been let down by other Democrats can count on her to battle Wall Street on behalf of Main Street.
Clinton’s latest line rewrites her history. Shortly before her campaign began airing NAFTA-bashing television ads in Pennsylvania, the National Archives released 11,046 pages of previously classified documents of her tenure as First Lady. The smoking gun buried within contradicts Clinton’s claim that “I have been a critic of NAFTA from the very beginning.” The papers confirm that Clinton worked against labor, farm and environmental groups in 1993 to pass NAFTA–and in so doing initiated a new era in trade relations that would see the United States help form the World Trade Organization, pressure Africa and Latin America to open themselves to new forms of economic colonialism and remove restrictions on trade with China. Clinton participated in strategy sessions and headlined a closed-door rally that prepared 120 women business leaders to lobby Congress. Clinton aides claim she was secretly pushing back against the free-trade orthodoxy of her husband’s administration, but those who heard her at the rally say that’s “ludicrous.”
“There was no question that everyone who spoke, including the First Lady, was for NAFTA,” says Laura Jones, executive director of the US Association of Importers of Textiles and Apparel. This is not the only inconvenient trade truth for Clinton. After she capitalized in Ohio on reports that an Obama aide told Canadians not to take seriously the Illinois senator’s criticisms of NAFTA, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s chief of staff was quoted in Canadian media saying that Canadians got similar assurances from the Clinton camp.
After so many stumbles, why is Clinton opening a discussion about the trade deficit with China, which ballooned after her husband’s administration “ormalized” trade relations with that country in 2000–a move Hillary Clinton openly supported, despite warnings that it would speed the exodus of US jobs and undermine the ability of Washington to pressure Beijing on human rights? It’s a sly calculation. To win delegates from states like Pennsylvania and Indiana–which according to the Economic Policy Institute have lost, respectively, 78,200 and 45,200 jobs because of the US-China trade imbalance–Clinton must establish herself as a credible critic of free trade. And she is betting that reporters who rarely cover trade issues seriously won’t press her on her past positions.
For the most part, Obama has let her get away with it. The Obama camp has criticized Clinton a bit for gaming the trade debate, but its critique has been unfocused. And it has not connected with blocs of white working-class voters in an arc of states worried about trade–Pennsylvania, Indiana, West Virginia and Kentucky–that hold primaries in April and May. In fairness, Obama has been preoccupied with discussions of race forced to the forefront by media absorption with his former pastor’s sermons. But there is, as well, a sense that his caution may have something to do with his ambivalence about siding too closely with labor, farm, environmental and human rights groups in the trade debate. Like Clinton, Obama backed the recent Peru Free Trade Agreement, and his “movement” on globalization issues has seemed to be influenced more by presidential ambition than the commitment to workers here and abroad that motivates fair-trade crusaders like Ohio Senator Sherrod Brown and Maine Congressman Mike Michaud–neither of whom has endorsed anyone in the presidential race. Skepticism about both Obama and Clinton has so far prevented two key unions, the United Auto Workers and the United Steelworkers, from providing either Democratic contender with an endorsement that could influence industrial-state primaries.
The trade debate is a challenge for Obama. For all Clinton’s talk, her record of past support for free trade with China makes her vulnerable in Pennsylvania and Indiana. But to exploit that vulnerability, Obama must be more than a critic of Clinton or even NAFTA. Obama must inspire confidence that he “gets” Sherrod Brown’s point that the problem is not NAFTA; it’s “the NAFTA model” for trade pacts–a point Brown and Michaud plan to make this month with timely legislation that challenges US support of “race to the bottom” trade policies that encourage corporations to move jobs in search of ever lower standards for protecting workers, consumers and the environment. “It’s not just NAFTA. The entire trade regime doesn’t work,” says Steelworkers president Leo Gerard. “We’re waiting to hear more details from the remaining Democratic candidates on what they’re going to do about China, revitalizing American manufacturing and their trade positions before we do any final endorsement.” While Obama practices caution and the unions wait, Clinton is mounting an opportunistic campaign that plays off displaced workers’ desperation for a champion–even one whose credibility is undermined by her record.
John Nichols, a pioneering political blogger, has written the Online Beat since 1999. His posts have been circulated internationally, quoted in numerous books and mentioned in debates on the floor of Congress. He is a co-founder of Free Press and the co-author with Robert W. McChesney of TRAGEDY & FARCE: How the American Media Sell Wars, Spin Elections, and Destroy Democracy — The New Press.
Unfortunately the Ted Kennedy wing of the party, the anti-DLC wing of the party and Senator Obama are quite bent on splitting the party. Let us see if voters see through this or if Senator Obama is able to buy his way to the convention.
Senator Obama is taking the Republican view by emphasising President Clinton's Lewinsky affair. The great work that President Clinton did for African Americans, Latinos, Unions and rest of the base never gets mentioned. The great work that President Clinton continues to do on the world stage for solving the problems of AIDS and hunger especially in Africa is never mentioned. "Republican party was the party of ideas in the 90s???" and not President Clinton???
Senator Clinton needs to be in the race till the convention or till one candidate gets the magic number needed to be the nominee. Senator Clinton has the responsibility to seat the delegates from Florida and Michigan. In 00 Vice President Gore backed down from getting Florida count. Senator Clinton cannot do the same this time; she cannot allow voters in FL and MI to be disenfranchised just to fulfill the political ambitions of one person.
Super delegates need to take a look at the situation and make decision on what is right for the party and not get swayed by statements by Obama surrogates who claim there would be a repeat of '68 on the streets if Senator Obama is not the nominee. Will of the people should prevail.
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