Noam Chomsky
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I've been thinking on how to express my distaste for Chomsky in a way that explained what it is about his writing I do not like, yet not come off as saying his conclusions are a priori wrong, and I think I have a great example with which to work.
Consider his article from 1989 on the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan:
Invasion Newspeak: U.S. & USSR
In it, he starts off with a rather straight-forward explanation of the event he is going to discuss. The first two paragraphs could even be the opening paragraphs of a Rush Limbaugh blog (if Rush was capable of communicating in something other than grunts and snorts). It discusses how a Russian journalist was sent to a psychiatric hospital by the government for having called the Russian invasion of Afghanistan an invasion.
But the third paragraph is vaguely accusatory. It suggests that the press pointing it out is a kind of "self-congratulation: It couldn't happen here". The implication, when he says, "We might, however, inquire further into why this has never happened. One possibility is that the question has never arisen because no mainstream U.S. journalist has ever mimicked Danchev's courage," is that the press doesn't say those things here, so the government doesn't NEED to send reporters to prison - so we're not any freer, and maybe even in more of an oppressive system.
He goes on to use an example that is a plurium interrogationum logical fallacy: he uses excruciatingly inflammatory language to describe what was going on in Vietnam, over-simplifying what was going on and claiming as fact things that have not been proved or accepted by all the people involved. He continues by resorting even to the association fallacy of "concentration camp" in order to invoke feelings associated with Hitler and the Holocaust.
What is most irritating, is that he concludes that, "In short, there are no Danchevs here. Within the mainstream, there is no one who can call an invasion "an invasion," or even perceive the fact; it is unimaginable that any U.S. journalist would have publicly called upon the South Vietnamese to resist the U.S. invasion. Such a person would not have been sent to a psychiatric hospital, but it's doubtful that he would have retained his professional position and standing. "
All this he wrote while the Washington Post was publishing articles about the "US Invasion of Panama" and the "Invasion of Grenada". Today, no one shies away from "the Invasion of Iraq" except MAYBE Fox News.
But aside from being wrong, he actually manages to avoid pointing out that the two governments are qualitatively different. If he wants to point out that social pressure or extreme amounts of nationalism are pressures to which reporters frequently cave, he should explicitly state it. Instead, he leaves the question of 'is the US government really any different' lie unanswered, giving the reader ample opportunity to come to the wrong conclusion, which even his own argument suggests YES, it IS different.
Of course, it's easy to argue that Chomsky was talking about Vietnam. But how can he compare modern (1989) Soviets with the US of 20 years prior (US involvement in Vietnam having effectively ended in 1972)? He may as well say that Germany has no business telling Sudan to stop the genocide in Darfur because the Holocaust, or Japan because of Nanking. Or the Russians because of the famine they engineered in the Ukraine in the '30s. With that reasoning, nothing ever gets better.
There are still more apologies that can be made for Chomsky's article. But then we come to the ultimate problem: Noam Chomsky is a brilliant linguist. His command of language and communication are the stuff for which inguistic Hall of Fames would enshrine him on a first ballot. If he wanted to, he wouldn't make those mistakes.
Consider the fallacies: Chomsky could make the same argument he is making: that the press does not show particular courage in the US, and that not having to have that courage doesn't necessarily make them accurate; WITHOUT resorting to assertions that inflame the passions, and WITHOUT resorting to manipulative omissions or subtle changes of subject.
I feel that Chomsky's goal is NOT to get people to agree with his conclusions else he would use less off-putting assertions. What he seems (to me) to be doing is constructing arguments that are emotionally appealing and may even have the right conclusions, but he is inserting the things he TRULY wants you to believe in the course of the argument. ie: in this article, he doesn't want or even care much if you agree that the press is not any more likely to be honest here than in the Soviet Union so much as he wants you to believe that there is no qualitative difference between what was going on in Vietnam with what was going on in Afghanistan. Once his readers believe that, the rest will follow.
Either that, or Chomsky really isn't much of a linguist after all. That doesn't seem all that likely to me.
Consider his article from 1989 on the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan:
Invasion Newspeak: U.S. & USSR
In it, he starts off with a rather straight-forward explanation of the event he is going to discuss. The first two paragraphs could even be the opening paragraphs of a Rush Limbaugh blog (if Rush was capable of communicating in something other than grunts and snorts). It discusses how a Russian journalist was sent to a psychiatric hospital by the government for having called the Russian invasion of Afghanistan an invasion.
But the third paragraph is vaguely accusatory. It suggests that the press pointing it out is a kind of "self-congratulation: It couldn't happen here". The implication, when he says, "We might, however, inquire further into why this has never happened. One possibility is that the question has never arisen because no mainstream U.S. journalist has ever mimicked Danchev's courage," is that the press doesn't say those things here, so the government doesn't NEED to send reporters to prison - so we're not any freer, and maybe even in more of an oppressive system.
He goes on to use an example that is a plurium interrogationum logical fallacy: he uses excruciatingly inflammatory language to describe what was going on in Vietnam, over-simplifying what was going on and claiming as fact things that have not been proved or accepted by all the people involved. He continues by resorting even to the association fallacy of "concentration camp" in order to invoke feelings associated with Hitler and the Holocaust.
What is most irritating, is that he concludes that, "In short, there are no Danchevs here. Within the mainstream, there is no one who can call an invasion "an invasion," or even perceive the fact; it is unimaginable that any U.S. journalist would have publicly called upon the South Vietnamese to resist the U.S. invasion. Such a person would not have been sent to a psychiatric hospital, but it's doubtful that he would have retained his professional position and standing. "
All this he wrote while the Washington Post was publishing articles about the "US Invasion of Panama" and the "Invasion of Grenada". Today, no one shies away from "the Invasion of Iraq" except MAYBE Fox News.
But aside from being wrong, he actually manages to avoid pointing out that the two governments are qualitatively different. If he wants to point out that social pressure or extreme amounts of nationalism are pressures to which reporters frequently cave, he should explicitly state it. Instead, he leaves the question of 'is the US government really any different' lie unanswered, giving the reader ample opportunity to come to the wrong conclusion, which even his own argument suggests YES, it IS different.
Of course, it's easy to argue that Chomsky was talking about Vietnam. But how can he compare modern (1989) Soviets with the US of 20 years prior (US involvement in Vietnam having effectively ended in 1972)? He may as well say that Germany has no business telling Sudan to stop the genocide in Darfur because the Holocaust, or Japan because of Nanking. Or the Russians because of the famine they engineered in the Ukraine in the '30s. With that reasoning, nothing ever gets better.
There are still more apologies that can be made for Chomsky's article. But then we come to the ultimate problem: Noam Chomsky is a brilliant linguist. His command of language and communication are the stuff for which inguistic Hall of Fames would enshrine him on a first ballot. If he wanted to, he wouldn't make those mistakes.
Consider the fallacies: Chomsky could make the same argument he is making: that the press does not show particular courage in the US, and that not having to have that courage doesn't necessarily make them accurate; WITHOUT resorting to assertions that inflame the passions, and WITHOUT resorting to manipulative omissions or subtle changes of subject.
I feel that Chomsky's goal is NOT to get people to agree with his conclusions else he would use less off-putting assertions. What he seems (to me) to be doing is constructing arguments that are emotionally appealing and may even have the right conclusions, but he is inserting the things he TRULY wants you to believe in the course of the argument. ie: in this article, he doesn't want or even care much if you agree that the press is not any more likely to be honest here than in the Soviet Union so much as he wants you to believe that there is no qualitative difference between what was going on in Vietnam with what was going on in Afghanistan. Once his readers believe that, the rest will follow.
Either that, or Chomsky really isn't much of a linguist after all. That doesn't seem all that likely to me.

I'll get back to this later.
With regards to Chomsky's argument, Chomsky wrote:
"For the past 25 years I have been searching to find some reference in mainstream journalism or scholarship to a U.S. invasion of South Vietnam, or U.S. aggression in Indochina -- without success. Instead I find a U.S. defense of South Vietnam against terrorists supported from outside (namely, from Vietnam), a defense that was unwise, the doves maintain. "
So, I suppose all one needs to do is find one counter-example and this house of cards topples. One mainstream journalist who wrote about the US action in South Vietnam as an invasion rather than a defense.
But you're also making the mistake that he wants you to make.
"For the past 25 years I have been searching to find some reference in mainstream journalism or scholarship to a U.S. invasion of South Vietnam, or U.S. aggression in Indochina -- without success. Instead I find a U.S. defense of South Vietnam against terrorists supported from outside (namely, from Vietnam), a defense that was unwise, the doves maintain. "
His house of cards is in that assertion. He insists that his perspective is the accurate one, and that therefore the mainstream media are guilty if at least one doesn't share his perspective.
Let's make it more obvious:
"I have yet to find some reference in mainstream journalism or scholarship that Hitler was actually the good guy in WWII, that he was backed into a corner by the Soviets, Brits, Polish and French, and that he had no choice in the matter."
Is that an indictment of mainstream media, or is the quote based on a falsehood, and mainstream media is therefore not only right factually but morally for not entertaining absurdities?
Chomsky makes a very specific and extreme assertion (one that even the North Vietnamese DID NOT MAKE), and then sets the standards of proof (mainstream journalism or scholarship - which apparently his does not count and he never lost his job - and he becomes the sole arbiter of what qualifies) that allows him to dismiss any counter-example.
If you want to debate Vietnam, I'm more than happy to present a case on how Vietnam is much different than Afghanistan.
You have to admit there is a lack of diversity in America's news. I'm not saying that its out of fear of the government. I think our news sources are info-tainment. They pick stories that have sensational value and promote those over stories of more informational value or of radically dissenting viewpoints. I suspect that an Op-Ed about America having imperialistic interests in Vietnam would not have been met favorably by an American public that initially supported American intervention and bought into the domino theory.
And, not to go off on a tangent, but Rather's sources were confirmed. CBS didn't have to stones to follow through on the story.
But your later point is just what I'm saying. Chomsky did a bait-and-switch. He doesn't want to give the US government credit for being better than the Soviet government, and he implies with his opening (ie, we should examine why it doesn't happen here before congratulating ourselves) that it isn't, only to point out that the press isn't better here (because they nor most people would agree with his characterization of the war) but for other reasons.
An intellectually honest Chomsky would have said, with absolute clarity and affirmation that yes, the US government is better than the Soviet one, but the reasons for our press' perceived lack of diversity is social pressure.
There are even a lot of nasty ways he could have put that, if fans of his find it appealing:
"The US government is not as oppressive of journalists as the Soviet government is, but it doesn't have to be. Social pressure does the government's job for it, and any journalist or scholar would be out of a job and their credentials yanked..."
Of course, the fact that Chomsky not only said all the things that were supposedly verboten, and nevertheless still retained his credentials and position, belies his accusation, doesn't it?
I am a fan of logic, reason, and intellectual honesty. My objections to Chomsky are primarily violations of those, and not necessarily his views or the points he makes. It's frustrating that he doesn't have to be that way, but it's ideologically satisfying, I suppose, to feel that the US is no better and probably worse than other countries. I can't buy into that. I am too close to my dead relatives Stalin murdered and other relatives who survived and have described life in the Soviet Union for me to find such claims anything but absurd. The US isn't the Golden Apollo of nations that Bill O'Reilly would have you believe, but neither is it the demon empire that Chomsky would.
But now I'm rambling.
Perhaps it would help if I found an essay of his with which I agree, so that I could point out why, even though he's right, I didn't like how he went about expressing himself.
The political spectrum is a gradient, it's not a binary state. There's a big difference between Kerry and Chomsky in political theory, and both are liberals. I admit that I am closer to Kerry than to Chomsky, but that hardly makes me a conservative propagandist.
I believe that your arguement regarding the strict division between Noam Chomsky's Linguistic talents and his Political theoretical flaws is as solid as the eloquent argument you have used to defend it. This is CERTAINLY not the first and only venue I have seen this general debate.
But I do believe that Noam Chomsky; like many genius'--is a flawed genius.
Noam Chomsky : Linguistics : Polics (as)
Michael Jackson : Music : Parenting